With the development of digital feminism in China, hate speech against men has proliferated on social media, underpinned by a feminist online community that has experienced group polarization and is gradually moving toward an irrational state. Past research has overlooked this phenomenon, either by focusing on the objects that feminism fights against or by focusing on men's reactions to feminist discursive activism. In terms of research methodology, past research has focused on feminist-related discourse texts, often using critical discourse analysis. However, the emergence of hate speech against men means that digital feminism in China is increasingly entering a zone of conflict and controversy. Therefore, it is vital to gain a deeper understanding of the subjects who produce these hate speeches and to study the consensus-building process as well as the logic of hate speech production in feminist online communities.

This study examines five feminist groups on the Douban platform, which is widely used by Chinese women, through an online ethnography approach combined with 13 in-depth interviews. The study found that three stages organized the intra-group male-phobia: Firstly, group members formed an intra-group "male-phobia" by collecting incidents of male crimes posted on social media platforms, and continued to expand the discussion by searching for gender attributions in more social events, declaring The "dark reality of a patriarchal society". Secondly, the group internally called on its members to engage in passive resistance to "no relationship, no marriage, and no childbearing". The group members were also organized to engage in discursive activism on major Chinese social media platforms to promote the group's beliefs further. Thirdly, in their discursive activism, the group members created a lot of hate speech against men as well as women who have different ideas and actions from them. The hate speech further reinforced the male-hate consensus within the group and made the discussion more irrational.

It is surprised to find that the members of the group readily accepted the stigmatizing accusations against them, saw the sacrifice as necessary, and wrote many speeches of resistance in response to these stigmatizing accusations. However, when it came to returning to real life, group members had difficulty dealing with their internalized hatred, some of whom faced obstacles in their work and life due to excessive hatred and were repeatedly advised to seek help from a psychologist; others chose to keep reinforcing their perceptions and remain firm on the group's consensus through selective exposure to information.

This study suggests that the development of digital feminism in China is related to a specific social media ecology and that communities on social media play an essential role in forming and directing the will of feminist groups in China.